http://www.search4dev.nlOnline library for Dutch development cooperationenwww.kit.nldpcmedewerkers-uba@uva.nldpcmedewerkers-uba@uva.nlSat, 25 May 2013 23:10:56 CESThttp://www.search4dev.nl/d/dprn/graphics/bbhead.gifhttp://www.search4dev.nlhttp://www.search4dev.nl/record/445223http://www.search4dev.nl/record/445223This is the annual report of the Bernard van Leer Foundation for the year 2012. The Bernard van Leer Foundation funds and shares knowledge about work in early childhood development and child rights. Working with other organizations, its mission is to develop and support programmes that create significant positive change for children up to the age of eight who are growing up in circumstances of social and economic disadvantage.Bernard van Leer Foundationhttp://www.search4dev.nl/record/445148http://www.search4dev.nl/record/445148On Wednesday 14 September 2011 the Society for International Development (SID), in cooperation with Amnesty International, PwC, NCDO and the Worldconnectors, organized its annual conference in The Hague. It was the closing event of the 2010-2011 Lecture Series ‘Global Values in a Changing World: Challenging Universality’. This report provides a summary of the presentations and discussions.R. Muskenshttp://www.search4dev.nl/record/445147http://www.search4dev.nl/record/445147Human rights activists argue that, with respect to rights and obligations at least, we are already global citizens. For them alleviating ‘distant suffering’ is not a matter of charity, but of justice. In terms of the principles underlying human rights, including socio-economic rights, individuals are the bearers of specific, detailed entitlements in international law. But this construction of global citizenship is complicated in practice by the fact that, while individuals are the bearers of human rights, it is principally states that are obliged to guarantee them. This has two consequences for universalising human rights: firstly, the value of human rights is almost invariably constructed in nationalist terms – of various different kinds; secondly, obligations to respect human rights are undertaken by states that are fundamentally unequal in terms of economic, social and political resources. Global citizenship is still a long way off, and requires fundamental transformations in international and national political structures and cultural meanings, just to meet existing human rights standards.K. Nashhttp://www.search4dev.nl/record/445144http://www.search4dev.nl/record/445144Since 2000, European governments and international development agencies have “discovered” the potential of migration and remittances to stimulate development in poor countries. However, migration and development is anything but a new topic. The debate about migration and development has swung back and forth like a pendulum, from optimism in the post-War period, to deep “brain drain” pessimism since the 1970s towards neo-optimistic “brain gain” views in recent years. While these shifts are rooted in deeper ideological shifts, a review of evidence yields a much more nuanced picture. Although migration often has considerable benefits for individuals and communities, migrants alone cannot remove more structural development constraints and can actually contribute to development stagnation. Despite their development potential, migrants and remittances can therefore neither be blamed for a lack of development nor be expected to trigger take-off development in generally unattractive investment environments. Recent views celebrating migration as self-help development "from below" are driven by neoliberal ideologies and shift the attention away from the vital role of states in shaping favourable conditions for positive development impacts of migration to occur.H. de Haashttp://www.search4dev.nl/record/445141http://www.search4dev.nl/record/445141China has made significant progress in addressing global challenges and in abiding by universal norms. However, China can not be understood in all her remarkable complexity by looking only at these global signals. A myriad of other factors have impacted on China’s postures and policies, requiring an assessment based on her particular situation full of dilemmas. The present distance between the “universals” and the “particulars” relating to China is perhaps most noticeable in the security field, whether it be the issue of non-proliferation, anti-terrorism, or severe man-made humanitarian disasters such as genocide or ethnic cleansing. In his lecture, Shi Yinhong will elaborate further on China’s attitude and policy toward North Korea and its nuclear programme given that this is the most prominent example of the discrepancy between international norms and Chinese foreign policy.Y. Shihttp://www.search4dev.nl/record/445137http://www.search4dev.nl/record/445137The 2007-2011 global crisis has increased income and wealth inequality in many countries and regions, even as some of the growth poles in the global South – notably China, India, and Brazil – have quickly returned to pre-crisis growth levels. This growing inequality in wealth and income takes place at every level of the global economy and has compromised development strategy: elites are now more numerous and more connected to global markets; and they are often more interested in meeting their individual consumption and saving needs than in “national development” missions. This process, combined with the ideological opposition to government action, has led to growth strategies based on zero-sum logic; and these strategies not only preclude asset/income redistribution but ultimately undercut development itself. To renew the possibility of global development, equity must be restored as an explicit goal of policy. One crucial step in this restoration is denaturalizing the growth of income-wealth polarization. The financial sector shows that unregulated markets and institutions often lead to the spread of market instruments that privilege the rich, while engaging in exploitation and asset-stripping of the poor. Discussion will encompass the US subprime crisis, the EU crisis, and the debate over financial exclusion and inclusion.G. Dymskihttp://www.search4dev.nl/record/445135http://www.search4dev.nl/record/445135If it is societies (and people) themselves who should develop by their own authentic way and if, on the road to this process of self rescuing, foreign assistance is needed, than additional questions arise: where is external assistance facilitating, and eventually stimulating? What should be the primary task of the government itself, and where are the worst practices of external interventions of spoiling own initiatives of civil society, taking away responsibilities from governments? The actual debate about relevance and desirability of budget aid is a point in case; the – sometimes dominant and patriarchal – role of western foundations and intermediary institutions another one. Here lies one of the central questions in international cooperation.P. Collierhttp://www.search4dev.nl/record/445134http://www.search4dev.nl/record/445134P.A. Ashleyhttp://www.search4dev.nl/record/445131http://www.search4dev.nl/record/445131It often seems that the world is caught in an ever denser web of global crises—climate change, energy insecurity, new and resurgent communicable diseases, excessive financial volatility, war and conflict, with migration, water and land scarcity and other challenges already looming on the horizon, set to grab the political spotlight in not too distant a future. Are policymakers losing control? Yes, national policymaking sovereignty has been squeezed is the answer that will be offered for debate in this lecture. But, the good news is: Policymakers are in the process of regaining control. Policymaking is gradually—too slowly, perhaps, but steadily—adjusting to today’s new policymaking realities, notably to the growing importance of global public goods.I. Kaulhttp://www.search4dev.nl/record/445129http://www.search4dev.nl/record/445129When the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was adopted in 1948, it was by and large seen as a self-evident framework for the relation between the state, individuals and communities, the core goal of the Declaration being the wish to express what 'human dignity' is all about. In many parts of the world however, political systems as of now present a different view of human rights. To what extent are they challenging the universality of human rights and what would be the best way forward to the realization of human rights worldwide?W. van Genugtenhttp://www.search4dev.nl/record/445126http://www.search4dev.nl/record/445126If the idea of ‘country ownership’ is to help improve aid for development, it needs to be realistic about the likely political drivers of development effort in poor countries. Too much of the current approach to aid effectiveness is based on wishful thinking. This lecture will discuss reasons for not expecting the early emergence of a social contract of a liberaldemocratic type in the poorest developing countries, and therefore for rejecting a ‘best practice’ approach to governance improvement and so-called democratic ownership. Instead, more effort needs to be devoted to recognising more and less developmental types of neo-patrimonial regime and to supporting development in a politically intelligent way. Research from the Africa Power & Politics Programme (www.institutions-africa.org) will be drawn upon to illustrate what this might mean and why it provides the best basis for directing aid towards country-owned development efforts.D. Boothhttp://www.search4dev.nl/record/445117http://www.search4dev.nl/record/445117The demand for global common goods and services will increasingly challenge international relations. As resources decline and prices escalate, the interdependencies among countries for food, water, energy and migration will become a reality. No country can handle the issues in isolation. How do these changing interdependencies affect the concept of nation and state? Are national interests an inherent obstacle for good stewardship or can we develop a concept of interdependency where states can productively engage and negotiate in this resource constrained world?J. Cameronhttp://www.search4dev.nl/record/445115http://www.search4dev.nl/record/445115In our rapid changing societies social change and innovation are occurring in a rather autonomous way. At the end of the process, it is often the state that codifies what society has already developed and accepted. It seems that we will need a lot of innovation and social transformation in order to cope with the challenges of new scarcities, climate change, migration and demographic changes such as aging populations in Western world and population growth in developing countries. What role has the state, if any, in these processes of social change and innovation? And what kind of state? In other words, how should the state itself be the object, as well as the subject, of social change?H. Wainwrighthttp://www.search4dev.nl/record/445114http://www.search4dev.nl/record/445114The state has until now been the main governing institution of modern society. However, in a globalising world the role of the state is experiencing some contradictory trends. On the one hand, the rise of multinationals (the so-called “footloose” capitals), the increase in international labour migration, and the proliferation of transnational civil networks have eroded the conventional boundary and jurisdiction of the state. On the other hand, the global financial crisis, widespread market failure, the global environmental challenge, and conflicts over natural resource exploitation have highlighted the relevance of the state in dealing with collective action problems. In these circumstances, what will be the future role of the state? Should the state be strengthened as a strong actor or should it be reduced to become a caretaker?T.-W. Ngohttp://www.search4dev.nl/record/445112http://www.search4dev.nl/record/445112After World War II, multilateral organisations were the main channel for cooperation by their member states. Many of these international institutions have been unable to address new challenges and are having difficulty adjusting to geopolitical shifts, new forms of civil society organisation, expanding power of global corporations, and growing numbers of overlapping regional and sub-regional institutions. In this fluid multipolar setting, how can states, NGOs, corporations and citizens collaborate on issues that require global cooperation? Will states cede some of their authority to supranational organisations or will participation remain essentially voluntary? Are new forms of international cooperation emerging in which the role of the state may be secondary to other social actors? How might existing international organisations evolve to fill new roles?W. Savedoffhttp://www.search4dev.nl/record/445111http://www.search4dev.nl/record/445111The European Union is long seen as a masterpiece of regionalization and aligning national interests. In several regions of the world it is seen as an example how to realize better cooperation and stronger representation in the international arena. But Europe is in crisis since the financial crisis of 2008. What seemed a successful process appeared to be weak because the lack of supranational power to align economies and welfare arrangements. Is Europe at a crossroad either to speed up its economic integration with inevitably the handing over of more decision making to Brussels? What could that mean for the role of the national state in Europe?R. Cuperushttp://www.search4dev.nl/record/445110http://www.search4dev.nl/record/445110The European Union is long seen as a masterpiece of regionalization and aligning national interests. In several regions of the world it is seen as an example how to realize better cooperation and stronger representation in the international arena. But Europe is in crisis since the financial crisis of 2008. What seemed a successful process appeared to be weak because the lack of supranational power to align economies and welfare arrangements. Is Europe at a crossroad either to speed up its economic integration with inevitably the handing over of more decision making to Brussels? What could that mean for the role of the national state in Europe?U.S. Bavahttp://www.search4dev.nl/record/445108http://www.search4dev.nl/record/445108A.C. Vazhttp://www.search4dev.nl/record/445107http://www.search4dev.nl/record/445107More than one billion people live in fragile states. These countries face great development challenges, and progress remains elusive. Poverty rates are higher than in other low-income countries and states are unable to deliver basic services to their citizens. Internationally, many attempts have been made to ‘fix’ fragile states, but most of these efforts were unsuccessful. Should development actors continue to assist fragile states in order to promote development for their citizens or must we learn to live with them? Should we continue to send more aid, or rather supporting them in building strong institutions?R. TreffersS. KaplanR. Grotenhuishttp://www.search4dev.nl/record/445106http://www.search4dev.nl/record/445106On Monday 14 November 2011, Stephen Ellis, Senior researcher at the African Studies Centre and Desmond Tutu professor in the Faculty of Social Sciences at the VU University Amsterdam, delivered the first lecture in the 2011-2012 SID lecture series on the role of the State. The state has traditionally been assigned a leading role in the development process. While views have changed over the decades regarding the relative merits of state intervention versus the private sector, the state remains the mainstay of international diplomatic relations and law. It is the building block of the international system. Yet of the United Nations’ 193 member-states, perhaps a quarter are widely regarded as 'fragile,, 'failed', 'failing' or described with similar terms. Many such states are in Africa.S. Ellishttp://www.search4dev.nl/record/445105http://www.search4dev.nl/record/445105The SID NL Closing Conference 2012 was organised on Friday September 14 in cooperation with the African Studies Centre (ASC) and Vitens Evides International (VEI), supported by NCDO and the Worldconnectors. It is the closing session of the SID 2011-2012 Lecture Series ‘The State in a Globalizing World: problematic, yet indispensable’, in which we aim to understand the changing role of the nation state, and its relations with other actors including other states, corporates and civil society. This conference is looking at a concrete case: the cooperation of a private partner with both the Dutch and an African State (Mozambique) in providing drinking water to households. What works and what does not? What is the potential of private sector involvement, and which role should the state have herein?K. Kustershttp://www.search4dev.nl/record/444133http://www.search4dev.nl/record/444133Based on the belief that economic growth will contribute to improving food and nutrition security, governments are using public funds for private sector development. However, there is as yet little evidence that this contributes to greater food security at household level. Instead of assuming that private sector development will reduce malnutrition, public funders should require that impact pathways be part of any proposals requiring public funds, that interventions be systematically evaluated and that impact be measured at target group level. This policy brief looks at the rationale behind public investment in private sector development and provides a framework with pathways for measuring the impact of private sector interventions, and specifically for monitoring and evaluating these impacts.B de Steenhuijsen PitersF. Bodnárhttp://www.search4dev.nl/record/443844http://www.search4dev.nl/record/443844This is the annual report of the Max Havelaar Foundation for 2008. The Max Havelaar Foundation strives for a world in which justice and sustainable development are at the heart of trade structures and practices so that everyone, through their work, can maintain a decent and dignified livelihood and develop their full potential. The Foundation’s mission is to work with businesses, community groups and individuals to improve the trading position of producer organisations in the South and to deliver sustainable livelihoods for farmers, workers and their communities.Stichting Max Havelaarhttp://www.search4dev.nl/record/443843http://www.search4dev.nl/record/443843This is the annual report of the Max Havelaar Foundation for 2009. The Max Havelaar Foundation strives for a world in which justice and sustainable development are at the heart of trade structures and practices so that everyone, through their work, can maintain a decent and dignified livelihood and develop their full potential. The Foundation’s mission is to work with businesses, community groups and individuals to improve the trading position of producer organisations in the South and to deliver sustainable livelihoods for farmers, workers and their communities.Stichting Max Havelaarhttp://www.search4dev.nl/record/443841http://www.search4dev.nl/record/443841This is the annual report of the Max Havelaar Foundation for 2010. The Max Havelaar Foundation strives for a world in which justice and sustainable development are at the heart of trade structures and practices so that everyone, through their work, can maintain a decent and dignified livelihood and develop their full potential. The Foundation’s mission is to work with businesses, community groups and individuals to improve the trading position of producer organisations in the South and to deliver sustainable livelihoods for farmers, workers and their communities.Stichting Max Havelaar